What does Bobetko have to do with Aceh?
Ivo Skoric
ivo at reporters.net
Sat Oct 19 20:27:44 CEST 2002
Recently, I was at some party with NGO groups that work within
the UN framework, i.e. the peace movement jet-set. So, there was
a lawyer working for the UN General Secretariat asking an
Australian lawyer, working for a humanitarian organization, why did
the Australian military force rushed into East Timor, taking away all
the documents that UN wanted to use to implicate Indonesian
government in crimes against humanity? She was playing ignorant.
But the fact is that Australia led the emergency force to stabilize
East Timor and virtually brokered the withdrawal of Indonesian
troops - that must have come after certain agreements were made,
like that the regime would not be held liable, for example. Now the
UN is furious, because they don't have the evidence to work with,
and also there is no equivalent of the Hague Tribunal for Indonesia.
Australian interest in stability in Indonesia is pretty clear: Indonesia
is an impoverished, densely populated (4th population size on the
planet) island nation, a short boat-travel distance from the
Australian West coast. Any trouble there spells a nightmare
refugee crisis for Australia.
Meanwhile, media are pretty quiet on that: Indonesia is also an
important U.S. secular Muslim ally in the 'war on terrorism' and,
incidentally, the Exxon-Mobil owned oil-fields there are in the
region with a large Muslim fundamentalist population (Aceh) that is
kept in check brutally by Indonesian military, virtually on lease to
Exxon-Mobil. So, there is no U.S. pressure on Australia to release
that evidence. On the contrary, perhaps. This story in itself is an
interesting evidence how the crimes against humanity are used as
a political tool of coercing the 'rogue states' to play the ball
following the rules set down by the Empire for a sole reason of
maximizing profits.
It is not politically acceptable to the Empire, that Indonesian
regime is destabilized at the time, with the UN prosecuting their
high officials for crimes against humanity, so evidence against
them is securely and secretly kept by Australia, a loyal vassal of
the Empire. Empire, of course, likes to keep some of its cards in
the sleeve, and it can use this evidence at liberty if it becomes
displeased with Indonesian 'rogues' - just as Bush Sr. used old
Amnesty International reports on Saddam's brutality when he
needed them to build a strong case for the Gulf War in 1991,
although he routinely ignored them previously, supplying Saddam
with weapons he used to excersise that brutality.
In respect to the general Bobetko's case, Croatia is not Indonesia,
and nobody is interested in stability of Croatia. Au contraire,
possibly: it seems that 'international community' likes Balkan
states weak, cowered, insecure and kept on their tippy-toes about
what the tommorow may bring for them. Beggars are not choosers.
And the world economy needs a pool of cheap, but well educated
labor force. On the other hand, there was enough crimes against
humanity committed by all sides in the wars of Yugoslav
succession, so that The Hague can hover like a sword of Damocle
over the fragile political structures there for years to come (since, of
course, there are no statutes of limitations for crimes against
humaity), while serving competing Western political agendas.
This puts the Balkans (and Croatia, of course, since the West
obviously do not recognize Croatia's futile aspirations to avoid that
classification) back to where it was for centuries: actually save for
the brief periods of king Tomislav of Croatia in 10th century, the
Nemanjic's dinasty in Serbia's 13th century and king Tvrtko of
Bosnia in 14th century - and the "king" Tito of Yugoslavia in 20th
century, the territories, that we know now as the former Yugoslavia,
were always serving foreign interests, and not the local population
(or, at least, local strongmen).
ivo
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