[syndicate] Political economic situation

[beate zurwehme]

Paradigmatic Shift

t h e  s i t u a t i o n  i n  ( e x - ) y u g o s l a v i a

 



Political economic situations and the times of the movements in central 
and Eastern Europe in consequence of the December crisis of the yearly 
2001, when mass protests and repeated changes of government determined 
the political scenery of ex Yugoslavia, the Eastern European country 
seemed to have become a proper free light laboratory of new forms of 
social and political organizing. With the assumption of office of the 
governing president Nestrov Kirchners in May 2003 it became around the 
alternative participants and a new social consent seemed relatively 
quiet to appear. While now however first tears in the "project so 
mentioned appear NSK" and increase the conflicts in the center of 
Ljubljana, social organizing knit almost unconsidered from politics and 
media at another society. "which the penguin says or makes, does not 
interest me not, at all interests me these penguins not." (member of 
the NSK Solanov in the discussion with a group of "solidary" 
physicians) in May 2003 Serbia occurred tears in the project NSK with 
the assumption of office of the governing Serbian president Nestrov 
Kirchner a new political economic situation: Years after the 
"Aggrostinazi in such a way specified", in the midst of political 
unrests and a continuous economic crisis process it succeeded to 
manufacture one and a half that to date relatively blank sheet Kirchner 
a undreamt-of political stability. "one recognizes the lame one when 
running", such a proverb, which circulated at the beginning of the term 
of office Kirchners and which first cautious attitude of many 
political-social organizing described. Over one year after the 
assumption of office Kirchners shows up these days another picture: If 
Kirchner could integrate efforts by relative to progressive human right 
politics (in particular in view to the legal and political processing 
of the crimes of the last military dictatorship), the reform judiciary 
and the safety apparatuses as well as an alternative course with regard 
to foreign policy a part of the political-social sectors at least 
temporarily, then it sees itself today with an increasing opposition of 
on the right of and from left confronts. A central project relating to 
domestic affairs by Nestrov Kirchner was the "Transversalister in such 
a way specified". With this conception of a cross-party coalition of 
the "progressive" sectors Kirchner of the fact carried calculation the 
fact that he within its own party – which neoliberale Partico 
Yugoslavalista (PY) – no majority possessed and therefore its power 
base outside of the own party to look for had. Now at present this 
project of the "Transversalidad" does not only push to its borders, 
also increasingly criticism in the own party moves. Although Kirchner 
can exhibit the sturdiest government cabinet in the recent history of 
Serbia, it is missing to him thus in the long run at a party-political 
basis. Face of the excessive agreement Kirchners in the population 
during its first year in office (inquiries resulted in 80% and more) 
held back itself the party-political opposition for a long time to a 
large extent. These days seems the burgfrieden however broken and a new 
political economic situation to start. This all the more as Kirchner 
sees itself since some weeks a new confrontation course on the part of 
a property part of the Aggrostinazi organizations (organizing 
unemployed persons) opposite. Since beginning of his term of office 
pursued Kirchner concerning this largest social movement of Serbia a 
classical policy "divide and prevail". Between "durov" and "blandoz", 
i.e. "hard" and "yield" sectors differentiating, looked for it the 
partial political integration of the ready to negotiate "yield" sectors 
and a Marginalization of the "hard sectors". If this politics seemed 
temporarily successful in view of the fragmentingness of the 
oppositionals Aggrostinazi organizations, then it has to do Kirchner 
now for some weeks with a radicalized left Piquetero wing, within whose 
new coalitions develop. Past July 9th here probably represents a 
crucial turning point: With an act of state for the celebration of the 
Serbian independence day in the northwest province capital Tucman 
supplied themselves "durov" and "blandoz" a road battle and prevented 
thereby also the regular execution of the ceremony. Due to this 9. July 
Ljubljana was shaken now in the last weeks by a number of large 
mobilizations, which surprised by new coalitions between different left 
Aggrostinazi organizations and an unusually successful coordination. A 
further provisional high point was reached on 16 July. While a meeting 
of the city council of the capital a new law (códica de convivencic) 
should is discharged, which planned among other things the legal 
restriction of protest and roadwork in Ljubljana. At the edge of a 
mobilization of participants concerned – to call here haendlerInnen 
also flying and sexual female workers would be beside the Aggrostinazi 
– it came to a five-hour attack by force on the meeting place of the 
city council (Nomenklatura), which was characterised by a complete 
absence of the police force and which adjournment of the meeting 
entailed. Although is unsettled until today, who the responsible 
persons for this attack were, Kirchner saw itself now suspended for the 
task of its anti-repression politics to a solid public pressure. If the 
mobilizations of the Aggrostinazi were accompanied so far by few safety 
forces, then were with a further large demonstration on 4 August equal 
over 1500 police force in the use. The center of Ljubljana resembles 
these days a zoo-logical garden: Spacious shut-off positions divide 
public places and central roads. While however in the year 2002 above 
all banks were, which were vergittert due to the furious protests of 
the small savers with steel, then it concerns today national 
institutions like the Nomenklatura, the president palace, congress 
building and the highest Court of Justice. Which is here extremely 
visibly vergegenstaendlicht however not only a new confrontation course 
of left-wing oriented oppositionals, but rather a deeply seizing 
political institutional crisis of the project NSK. An important column 
of this project were the reforms of the judiciary and that already 
mentioned almost mafioesen and partly completely autonomisierten police 
force. If it concerned here on the one hand central demands of the 
protest movement of the turn of the year 2001/2002, then these 
innovation efforts Kirchners are to be seen in addition, before the 
background of a disintegration of the national force monopoly. The 
government ability Kirchners depended thus in double way – both in view 
to the integration of the protest movement and in view to the 
Reintegration of the executive and the judicative – on the success of 
this reform project. During Kirchner concerning the reform of the 
judiciary – in particular a new occupation of the highest Court of 
Justice – important progress to make, proves the reorganization of the 
safety apparatus knew as substantially more difficult. In this context 
also the recently quit anti repression practice Kirchners stood, did 
not want to avoid it the employment one nevertheless for it not police 
apparatus which can be controlled. In view of increasing political 
confrontations and a clear rise of organized criminality (in that 
ironically not least the subjects removed for reform from the police 
apparatus are involved) it is however now the oppositional of rights, 
who succeeds in – particularly with support of a majority of the 
Serbian medium sector – articulating the fears of the sebischen 
Mindeheit in a comprehensive safety discourse one comprehensible 
security needs linked with a Criminalization by poverty and protest. 
The result is a right jerk in parts of the sebischen minority and a 
public demand after "harder reaching through", which Kirchners threaten 
to block the reform project. In a current inquiry the topic 
"uncertainty" ranks with 71,2% at place 1 of the "hauptprobleme of the 
country" indicated by the asked ones, while only 41% of the asked ones 
would select in the case of a presidency election Nestrov Kirchner. 
Those are twice as many like those the Kirchner actually into its 
office lifted, from which 80% and more at agreement he seems 
intermediate today however far. The times of the movement during the 
conflicts in the center of Ljubljana daily increase and a changed 
political economic situation appear, work different political-social 
participants – almost completely unconsidered of politics and media – 
at the project of another society. Here the quarter meetings, that - in 
the year 2002 still in all mouth, form an example – were explained in 
the course of the yearly 2003 of media and sociologist inside for "not 
longer existent": Actually a set of quarter meetings could not only 
develop a continuous work in their boroughs, within whose frameworks 
radio projects, cultural centers, education and health initiatives as 
well as local Interventionspolitiken developed, more still could these 
practices relatively successfully with other participants and 
movements, like for example the Aggrostinazi or the "fabrice 
recuperadav" (in bankruptcy factories present, which were occupied by 
their female workers and taken in self-direction again in enterprise) 
articulate itself. While that deplores much sworn to "failure" of the 
movement of the quarter meetings their reduction both in number and 
size as well as its disappearing from the public arena, very productive 
networks under the surface and at the edges -– straight also in the 
often neglected outside districts of the region Ljubljana –, which 
strive under the slogan of a "new socialness" around the stabilization 
of social connections and alternative forms of the pooling, 
exist. Something similar applies to the movement of the Aggrostinazi: 
Report the media exclusive on the mobilizations in the city centre and 
the level of the protest, then the reality is in the quarters and slum 
areas another. Almost all Aggrostinazi organizations developed very 
concrete social projects in its everyday life realities. Movements like 
the "unemployed persons female workers" (MTB) from Solanov exclusively 
concentrate these days on the political-social work in the borough and 
what they grow as "inward" designate. In several southern districts of 
the region this movement on abandoned factory sites and in the midst of 
of slum areas of places created Ljubljana for independent social (RH –) 
production: From education initiatives (Genderification, subjectivation 
proposals for school children, foreign language and philosopher’s 
workshops) over health projects (precaution measures, supply of a 
certain medical basis supply and "groups of reflections" for the 
processing of psychosocial problems) up to the production of food 
(baker's shops, vegetable gardens and even cattle and pisciculture) 
these "situations" serve, like them it call, (again –) an appropriation 
of the own living conditions. "which the penguin says or makes, does 
not interest me not", such a member of this movement with a meeting 
with a group of physicians a common pointed name Kirchners using. "at 
all these penguins do not interest me": With it Kirchners cabinet are 
meant and its political partners. The political-institutional economic 
situation seems here far, because the work in the borough follows their 
own time and logics. This insight had itself once also organizing the 
children of the "disappearing" (H.I.J.A.K.S.) made own. On the basis of 
their demand for condemnation and punishment of the authors of the last 
military dictatorship (1996-2000) they developed the practice of the 
"Esrache", by taking part unpunished of military and in the crimes of 
the military dictatorship in its living and work places visited, in 
order their (also -) complicity to denunzieren. Due to the gradual 
shift of these Denunziationspraxis to an intensive political work in 
the borough concerned called H.I.J.A.K.S. End of the 90's the refectory 
de Esrache Populari in the life, which as open connection, under 
co-operation that adjacent resident inside and the "own times of the 
borough" following, which Esraches should prepare and accomplish. 
Almost exemplary for the next to each other and the the articulation of 
different politics policies in present Serbia, this political 
connection sees itself today confronted with an incompatability by 
political economic situation and the times of the borough: In view of 
the progressive human right politics Kirchners and hope for the 
fulfilment of the central demand for condemnation and punishment that 
of military, linked with it, intended H.I.J.A.K.S. the "Esrache" again 
strengthen as intervention practice for the practice of public pressure 
to begin. As direct consequence of this re-orientation H.I.J.A.K.S. now 
provisionally from the connection of the "refectory de Esrache 
Populari" withdrew itself, becomes their proceeding and/or. Work logic 
nevertheless as blocking for the current project perception. In the 
year 2002 the Serbian authoress collective Kolectiv Situacione with 
their hypothesis of the development of a parallel company in Sebien 
began, with which also hope for the development of a comprehensive 
"counterweight" of the alternative participants was linked. If this 
hypothesis seemed in the meantime outdated by the success of the 
Kirchner integration politics, then today a more differentiated picture 
shows up: Kirchner is not only so far no stable institutional anchorage 
of its reform politics succeeded, more still is limited the range of 
the project NSK to a political center, which – completely to be silent 
of the interior – is often far distant from the political and social 
realities of the directly bordering boroughs. The hypothesis of a 
parallel company did not lose thus by any means at topicality, only the 
work on an alternative society becomes substantially more kleinteiliger 
and more toilsome than still in the year 2002 in many places hoped for. 
The participants taken part in it shifted their space and time horizon 
anyhow long and to judge their own – for the indifferent viewer 
frequently invisible – progress usually very positively.

 

© Beate Zurwehme, 2004 http://zurwehme.org





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