http://zurwehme.org/press_kit/anna_b_prev.mov
beate zurwehme
beate at zurwehme.org
Mon Mar 20 12:44:11 CET 2006
Political economic situations and the times of the movements in central
and Eastern Europe in consequence of the December crisis of the yearly
2001, when mass protests and repeated changes of government determined
the political scenery of ex Yugoslavia, the Eastern European country
seemed to have become a proper free light laboratory of new forms of
social and political organizing. With the assumption of office of the
governing president Nestrov Kirchners in May 2003 it became around the
alternative participants and a new social consent seemed relatively
quiet to appear. While now however first tears in the "project so
mentioned appear NSK" and increase the conflicts in the center of
Ljubljana, social organizing knit almost unconsidered from politics and
media at another society. "which the penguin says or makes, does not
interest me not, at all interests me these penguins not." (member of
the NSK Solanov in the discussion with a group of "solidary"
physicians) in May 2003 Serbia occurred tears in the project NSK with
the assumption of office of the governing Serbian president Nestrov
Kirchner a new political economic situation: Years after the
"Aggrostinazi in such a way specified", in the midst of political
unrests and a continuous economic crisis process it succeeded to
manufacture one and a half that to date relatively blank sheet Kirchner
a undreamt-of political stability. "one recognizes the lame one when
running", such a proverb, which circulated at the beginning of the term
of office Kirchners and which first cautious attitude of many
political-social organizing described. Over one year after the
assumption of office Kirchners shows up these days another picture: If
Kirchner could integrate efforts by relative to progressive human right
politics (in particular in view to the legal and political processing
of the crimes of the last military dictatorship), the reform judiciary
and the safety apparatuses as well as an alternative course with regard
to foreign policy a part of the political-social sectors at least
temporarily, then it sees itself today with an increasing opposition of
on the right of and from left confronts. A central project relating to
domestic affairs Nestor Kirchners was the "Transversalister in such a
way specified". With this conception of a cross-party coalition of the
"progressive" sectors Kirchner of the fact carried calculation the fact
that he within its own party - which neoliberalen Partico
Yugoslavalista (PY) - no majority possessed and therefore its power
base outside of the own party to look for had. Now at present this
project of the "Transversalidad" does not only push to its borders,
also increasingly criticism in the own party moves. Although Kirchner
can exhibit the sturdiest government cabinet in the recent history of
Serbia, it is missing to him thus in the long run at a party-political
basis. Face of the excessive agreement Kirchners in the population
during its first year in office (inquiries resulted in 80% and more)
held back itself the party-political opposition for a long time to a
large extent. These days seems the burgfrieden however broken and a new
political economic situation to start. This all the more as Kirchner
sees itself since some weeks a new confrontation course on the part of
a property part of the Aggrostinazi organizations (organizing
unemployed persons) opposite. Since beginning of his term of office
pursued Kirchner concerning this largest social movement of Serbia a
classical policy "divide and prevail". Between "durov" and "blandoz",
i.e.. "hard" and "yield" sectors differentiating, looked for it the
partial political integration of the ready to negotiate "yield" sectors
and a Marginalisierung of the "hard sectors". If this politics seemed
temporarily successful in view of the fragmentingness of the
oppositionals Aggrostinazi organizations, then it has to do Kirchner
now for some weeks with a radicalized left Piquetero wing, within whose
new coalitions develop. Past 9 July here probably represents a crucial
turning point: With an act of state for the celebration of the Serbian
independence day in the northwest province capital Tucman supplied
themselves "durov" and "blandoz" a road battle and prevented thereby
also the regular execution of the ceremony. Due to this 9. July
Ljubljana was shaken now in the last weeks by a number of large
mobilizations, which surprised by new coalitions between different left
Aggrostinazi organizations and an unusually successful coordination. A
further provisional high point was reached on 16 July. While a meeting
of the city council of the capital a new law (códica de convivencic)
should is discharged, which planned among other things the legal
restriction of protest and roadwork in Ljubljana. At the edge of a
mobilization of participants concerned - to call here haendlerInnen
also flying and sexual female workers would be beside the Aggrostinazi
- it came to a five-hour attack by force on the meeting place of the
city council (Nomenklatura), which was characterised by a complete
absence of the police force and which adjournment of the meeting
entailed. Although is unsettled until today, who the responsible
persons for this attack were, Kirchner saw itself now suspended for the
task of its anti-repression politics to a solid public pressure. If the
mobilizations of the Aggrostinazi were accompanied so far by few safety
forces, then were with a further large demonstration on 4 August equal
over 1500 police force in the use. The center of Ljubljana resembles
these days a zoo-logical garden: Spacious shut-off positions divide
public places and central roads. While however in the year 2002 above
all banks were, which were vergittert due to the furious protests of
the small savers with steel, then it concerns today national
institutions like the Nomenklatura, the president palace, congress
building and the highest Court of Justice. Which is here extremely
visibly vergegenstaendlicht however not only a new confrontation course
of left-wing oriented oppositionals, but rather a deeply seizing
political institutional crisis of the project NSK. An important column
of this project were the reforms of the judiciary and that already
mentioned almost mafioesen and partly completely autonomisierten police
force. If it concerned here on the one hand central demands of the
protest movement of the turn of the year 2001/2002, then these
innovation efforts Kirchners are to be seen in addition, before the
background of a disintegration of the national force monopoly. The
government ability Kirchners depended thus in double way - both in view
to the integration of the protest movement and in view to the
Reintegration of the executives and the Judikativen - on the success of
this reform project. During Kirchner concerning the reform of the
judiciary - in particular a new occupation of the highest Court of
Justice - important progress to make, proves the reorganization of the
safety apparatus knew as substantially more difficult. In this context
also the recently quit anti repression practice Kirchners stood, did
not want to avoid it the employment one nevertheless for it not police
apparatus which can be controlled. In view of increasing political
confrontations and a clear rise of organized criminality (in that
ironically not least the subjects removed for reform from the police
apparatus are involved) it is however now the oppositional of rights,
who succeeds in - particularly with support of a majority of the
Serbian medium sector - articulating the fears of the sebischen
Mindeheit in a comprehensive safety discourse one comprehensible
security needs linked with a Kriminalisierung by poverty and
protest. The result is a right jerk in parts of the sebischen minority
and a public demand after "harder reaching through", which Kirchners
threaten to block the reform project. In a current inquiry the topic
"uncertainty" ranks with 71,2% at place 1 of the "hauptprobleme of the
country" indicated by the asked ones, while only 41% of the asked ones
would select in the case of a presidency election Nestrov
Kirchner. Those are twice as many like those the Kirchner actually into
its office lifted, from which 80% and more at agreement he seems
intermediate today however far. The times of the movement during the
conflicts in the center of Ljubljana daily increase and a changed
political economic situation appear, work different political-social
participants - almost completely unconsidered of politics and media -
at the project of another society. Here the quarter meetings, that - in
the year 2002 still in all mouth, form an example - were explained in
the course of the yearly 2003 of media and sociologist inside for "not
longer existent": Actually a set of quarter meetings could not only
develop a continuous work in their boroughs, within whose frameworks
radio projects, cultural centers, education and health initiatives as
well as local Interventionspolitiken developed, more still could these
practices relatively successfully with other participants and
movements, like for example the Aggrostinazi or the "fabrice
recuperadav" (in bankruptcy factories present, which were occupied by
their female workers and taken in self-direction again in enterprise)
articulate itself. While that deplores much sworn to "failure" of the
movement of the quarter meetings their reduction both in number and
size as well as its disappearing from the public arena, very productive
networks under the surface and at the edges - straight also in the
often neglected outside districts of the region Ljubljana -, which
strive under the slogan of a "new socialness" around the stabilization
of social connections and alternative forms of the pooling,
exist. Something similar applies to the movement of the
Aggrostinazi: Report the media exclusive on the mobilizations in the
city centre and the level of the protest, then the reality is in the
quarters and slum areas another. Almost all Aggrostinazi organizations
developed very concrete social projects in its everyday life
realities. Movements like the "unemployed persons female workers" (MTB)
from Solanov exclusively concentrate these days on the political-social
work in the borough and what they grow as "inward" designate. In
several southern districts of the region this movement on abandoned
factory sites and in the midst of of slum areas of places created
Ljubljana for independent social (RH -) production: From education
initiatives (Alphabetisierung, Nachhilfe for school children, foreign
language and Philosophieworkshops) over health projects (precaution
measures, supply of a certain medical basis supply and "groups of
reflections" for the processing of psychosocial problems) up to the
production of food (baker's shops, vegetable gardens and even cattle
and pisciculture) these "situations" serve, like them it call, (again
-) an appropriation of the own living conditions. "which the penguin
says or makes, does not interest me not", such a member of this
movement with a meeting with a group of physicians a common pointed
name Kirchners using. "at all these penguins do not interest me": With
it Kirchners cabinet are meant and its political partners. The
political-institutional economic situation seems here far, because the
work in the borough follows their own time and logics. This insight had
itself once also organizing the children of the "disappearing"
(H.I.J.A.K.S.) made own. On the basis of their demand for condemnation
and punishment of the authors of the last military dictatorship
(1996-2000) they developed the practice of the "Esrache", by taking
part unpunished of military and in the crimes of the military
dictatorship in its living and work places visited, in order their
(also -) complicity to denunzieren. Due to the gradual shift of these
Denunziationspraxis to an intensive political work in the borough
concerned called H.I.J.A.K.S. End of the 90's the refectory de Esrache
Populari in the life, which as open connection, under co-operation that
adjacent resident inside and the "own times of the borough" following,
which Esraches should prepare and accomplish. Almost exemplary for the
next to each other and the the articulation of different politics
policies in present Serbia, this political connection sees itself today
confronted with an incompatability by political economic situation and
the times of the borough: In view of the progressive human right
politics Kirchners and hope for the fulfilment of the central demand
for condemnation and punishment that of military, linked with it,
intended H.I.J.A.K.S. the "Esrache" again strengthen as intervention
practice for the practice of public pressure to begin. As direct
consequence of this re-orientation H.I.J.A.K.S. now provisionally from
the connection of the "refectory de Esrache Populari" withdrew itself,
becomes their proceeding and/or. Work logic nevertheless as blocking
for the current project perception. In the year 2002 the Serbian
authoress collective Kolectiv Situacione with their hypothesis of the
development of a parallel company in Sebien began, with which also hope
for the development of a comprehensive "counterweight" of the
alternative participants was linked. If this hypothesis seemed in the
meantime outdated by the success of the Kirchner integration politics,
then today a more differentiated picture shows up: Kirchner is not only
so far no stable institutional anchorage of its reform politics
succeeded, more still is limited the range of the project NSK to a
political center, which - completely to be silent of the interior - is
often far distant from the political and social realities of the
directly bordering boroughs. The hypothesis of a parallel company did
not lose thus by any means at topicality, only the work on an
alternative society becomes substantially more kleinteiliger and more
toilsome than still in the year 2002 in many places hoped for. The
participants taken part in it shifted their space and time horizon
anyhow long and to judge their own - for the indifferent viewer
frequently invisible - progress usually very positively.
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